Lahore Diocese Church of Pakistan

                                          ARTICLES

Pattern in madness

The blasphemy law has become a tool in the hands of unscrupulous elements

By Ayra Inderyas

Last week, following the blasphemy allegations, which resulted in the eruption of violence against Christians, 3 women, one young girl, 2 men, and a child were burnt alive in Gojra while another man in the nearby Korian village succumbed to injuries and lost his life.

In June this year, houses of Christians were burnt down in Kasur, on the pretext of blasphemy. Fearing more violence, over a hundred Christian families were forced to flee.

In the past, attacks on churches, Christian settlements and different church-run institutions on charges of blasphemy, have also been witnessed in Sangla Hill, Shantinagar, Rahim Yar Khan, Murree, Taxila and Sukkur. Such ferocious acts -- of religious bigotry -- have naturally instilled a fear among the mostly poor and downtrodden Christian community of Pakistan. The blasphemy law seems to have become a tool in the hands of unscrupulous elements who can further their own agenda, as suggested by Mr Victor Azriah, Executive Secretary, National Council of the Church of Pakistan.

Local Muslim clerics are also to blame, as they have been found to have made hate speeches against Christians. In Gojra, reports have it that a frenzied mob consisting of vigilantes equipped with guns, sticks, hammers and toxic and inflammable chemicals gathered within no time in the area, responding to the call of their religious cleric, and unleashed terror on the local Christians.

As of June 2008, Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) registered a total of 892 people who had been charged with blasphemy ever since the laws were introduced. Of all, 50% were Muslims, 11% Christians, 6% Ahmadis and 1% Hindus. Between January and April 2008, a total of 15 people were accused of blasphemy.

Reviewing such laws might end in fruitless amendments as it happened in 2004 during the Musharaf regime when procedural amendments to blasphemy laws were made. The investigation level was raised in that before lodging an FIR, investigation had to be conducted by a high-ranking police official. However, the procedural changes of 2004 failed to prevent violent incidents. Over blasphemy cases, police official can succumb to the pressure of the angry mob thus filing an FIR against blasphemy accused drawn within no time, he further added.

Courtesy: Daily The News August 09, 2009

Missions and chapels

Records suggest that the first Roman Catholic chapel in the city was built in 1597 but its location is unknown

By Ayra Inderyas

As per the records of Naqoosh Lahore Number 1962, the year 1597 saw the construction of the first Roman Catholic chapel in Lahore on State expense during Emperor Akbar’s era — but its location is shrouded in obscurity.

On the account of the letters received at Goa Christian Society by the Priests of Jesuit Christian Missions in 1595, Emperor Akbar promised Jesuit Christian Priests that necessities for the erection of the church would be provided and the construction site would be marked. A letter dated August 20, 1595 by Jesuit Missions stated that the site fixed for the chapel was near the palace. The chapel was constructed on September 7, 1597.

Naqoosh Lahore Number 1962 also details that after the completion of the chapel Christmas was celebrated with great fanfare witnessed by many inhabitants.

Emperor Akbar consolidated the Mughal empire in India for about 50 years. His subjects belonged to different religions and enjoyed great latitude in practicing their rites and rituals. The phenomenon of ‘universal tolerance’ or ‘sulah-e-kul’ was observed irrespective of caste, colour or creed, which led to the friendly rapport between the ruler and the ruled.

For about 14 years, starting from 1584 to 1598, Emperor Akbar made Lahore his capital. Most historians consider Akbar a crafty statesman and administrator because of his policies on religious tolerance. He was resultantly dubbed as a ‘secular’ ruler of immense importance in the realm of world history. The later Mughal emperors were not so tolerant of religious freedom and imposed their own ideologies.

Notes of Oxford History of India, Fourth Edition, narrate that following the invitation by Emperor Akbar, three separate Christian Jesuit Missions were sent off to Lahore by the Goa authorities. The first mission comprising of three Christian priests stayed for three years till 1583 at the Court of Akbar at Fatehpur Sikri, which served as the capital of Mughals for 15 year before it was shifted to Lahore. In 1592, on Emperor’s urgent request, the second mission was sent which remained at Akbar’s court for two years. The last mission arrived in Lahore in 1595 and became a permanent institution.

The English translation of ‘Ain-i-Akbari’ by Henry Blochman mentions that there is no doubt that Akbar had a Christian wife. The marriage probably took place during 1592 and 1595, around the same time when Akbar got acquainted with Jesuit Christian Missions. On account of a few historians the Christian lady was Portugese (from Goa) but the other parallel accounts indicate that she was an Armenian. The city guide of Fatehpur Sikri includes a palace of Akbar’s Christian wife from Goa, Maryam, located near Joda Bai’s palace, Akbar’s famous Hindu wife.

Starting from Akbar’s era, the movement of the Christian priests from Goa became a regular feature, which got discontinued during the reign of Aurangzeb Alamgir. Further, no authentic evidence has shown record of church construction from Auarangzeb’s time till the advent of the British, when churches began to be established in Lahore during 1840 to 1947.

Initially the Christians, mainly the Roman Catholic priests, remained confined to the British garrisons only. From Lahore Number 1962, it became evident that during Ranjit Singh’s reign in 1830, a few Catholic priests arrived at Lahore for the purpose of preaching Christianity. Later in 1847 a Missionary Priest, namely Kaferal came from Agra to Lahore and built a church with the help of local Christians. But the site of this church is also not known. Although a building at the Government College Lahore, known as Gymnasium, is considered to be the site of an ancient church. Its year of construction is inscribed as 1858. It is speculated that it could be the church built by Priest Kaferal.

In 1849 two American missionaries from the Presbyterian Church came to Lahore, namely Newton and Forman. During those days, a missionary school at the present day Rang Mahal and the Naulakha church were built, attests Lahore Nakoosh Lahore Number 1962.

According to the historical notes of Cathedral Church Lahore Diocese the tomb of Anarkali in 1851, now in the Civil Secretariat, was officially allowed to be used as a church, which was consecrated as St. James in 1857. It remained open for 30 years till the time the present Lahore Cathedral was constructed on January 25, 1887 by the first Bishop of Lahore, namely T.V. French. The big Red Cross, which is now present in the compound of Lahore Cathedral, was originally placed on the dome of the tomb of Anarkali. Later it was brought to the Lahore Cathedral.

The Lahore Cathedral is a fine specimen of architectural beauty. Other ancient buildings of the missionaries include the Church, the Divinity School, and the St. John Hostel at the present day Mission Road. These old buildings are situated at a venue previously known as Maha Singh Bagh.

In 1904, the Roman Catholic Church at Lawrence Road was constructed. This is also a majestic edifice.

Many other magnificent and splendid churches are situated at various places of Lahore. All built during the British period. But the actual site of the first chapel ever built at Lahore remains unknown.

caption

From the collection of Fakir Khana: The painting of Maryam, Akbar’s only Christian wife.

Courtesy: Daily The News 20 September 2009

Same old tale of exploitation
The existence of prostitution is a symbol of inequitable socioeconomic structures and norms

 By Ayra Inderyas

Mehwish, aged 21, thinks of prostitution as a last resort for surviving and fulfilling her children's subsistence needs -- from providing food to giving house rent. She along with her two children and drug addicted husband is living in a shanty, stark, one-room rented house in one of the slums of Lahore city.

She blames her father for the life that she is leading. Her father was on drugs when he went missing. Six years have passed, there is no news of him. That left her mother with no choice except to earn money by running a brothel, she says.

"I had my first client for Rs.1000 when I was just 15 years old after my would-be husband refused to marry me due to my mother's involvement in this business", Mehwish said. For her Rs.200 is the minimum for a one-time service and Rs. 2000 is the maximum rate per night which she is usually offered by her clients. She named a few posh areas of the city known for getting rich clients who also liked to be entertained with dances and songs by young girls involved in commercial sex. She said that her mother is known to many sex worker girls, whom she contacts when a client approaches her.

Explaining the functioning of the brothel, she said her mother charges Rs. 500 to Rs.1000 from clients for providing them a room for a few hours. Beside this, the sex worker gives 20 per cent of her earned income to her mother, Mehwish explains.

To maintain respectability in society, she has adopted the pseudonym of Farhat. Saima, another woman gave poverty and absence of alternative economic means as reasons for pushing her into an extramarital relationship with a man double her age who supports her two children's school fee every month.

Fighting for their livelihood through commercial sex, women, even young girls who live at the lower rung of the social ladder, are oblivious to the health hazards that unsafe sex poses. Mehwish and Saima's ignorance of HIV-AIDS is measured by the question they ask the writer as to "What does HIV, AIDS mean?" About contraceptives, both Saima and Mehwish say that their clients never agree to using condoms which usually gives them infections they pay little heed to.

According to the 2006 update on the AIDS epidemic in Pakistan, the World Bank reported that most sex workers do not have the power to negotiate condom use with the clients on whom they depend. In April 2006, the World Health Organisation stated that there could be 70,000 to 80,000 unreported HIV cases in Pakistan. Analysing the enormity of the spread of HIV-AIDS, the World Bank attested that there are serious risk factors that put Pakistan in danger of facing a rapid spread of HIV if immediate and vigorous action is not taken.

The culture of prostitution was introduced in Lahore much later than in the older capitals of the subcontinent, such as Lucknow, Delhi, and Mahabalipuran. During the Mughal era in the subcontinent (1526 to 1857) prostitution had a strong nexus with performing arts. Mughals patronised prostitution which raised the status of dancers and singers to higher levels of prostitution. King Jehangir's harem had 6,000 mistresses which denoted authority, wealth and power. After the downfall of the Mughal emperors, they were replaced by Sikh rule in Punjab and Frontier. During this time, social taboo against prostitution was lessened. After the decline of Sikh rule, the British came to power, which weakened the nexus between prostitution and performing arts. Amid the changes in literary values and cultural norms, a new breed of prostitution flourished, which was confined more to sexual gratification than providing entertainment with songs and dances. A major shift was brought to prostitution during the first five decades of independence of Pakistan. Clients to prostitutes were changed from rajas to politicians, bureaucrats and entrepreneurs, who valued sexual satisfaction more than skill in performing arts. As a result, the status of prostitutes declined from mistresses to common prostitutes.

During General Zia's regime, Enforcement of Hudood Zina ordinance 1979 was introduced that made fornication, adultery, rape and prostitution punishable offences by death, imprisonment and lashes. General Zia banned red light areas of sex workers all over the country, thinking that this move could regulate this menace from plaguing society. It proved unsuccessful because, instead of being curtailed commercial sex sprung all over the country ranging from voluntary to enforced prostitution by high class call girls to lower class sex workers.

Clause 37 of the Constitution of Pakistan has made prevention of prostitution a principal policy. According to Suppression of Prostitution Ordinance 1961, running a brothel, enticing or leading a woman or a girl to prostitution and forcing a woman or a girl to have sexual intercourse with any man are punishable crimes. A National Plan of Action (NPA) was drawn up in 1998 to improve women's conditions after Pakistan made international commitment by accessing to the United Convention on the Elimination of all form of discrimination against women in 1996. However, the NPA was silent on dealing with prostitution as a separate subject; instead it was discussed under violence against women. NPA also fell short of including other forms of violence, such as forced prostitution, trafficking in women.

A study by UNICEF stated that as many as 55 per cent of families from 35 localities in Lahore had one or more members as sex workers during 2005. We, as concerned citizens cannot turn a blind eye to the existence of prostitution, which is a symbol of inequitable socioeconomic structures and norms. Neither law nor religion had been unable to remove eradicating the shadow, which is demeaning and exploiting women's lives. The appalling situation detailing horrifying stories of women victims of prostitution calls upon concerned government quarters, NGOs and Women Groups to embark on concrete programmes focusing general awareness on HIV/Aids and behavioral change against prostitution.

Real name has been changed for the sake of anonymity.

Courtesy: Daily The news of April 20, 2008

                                               Rights and wrongs

                    A report of the UN Human Rights Council from Geneva

                                             By Ayra Inderyas

Responding to a United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) resolution 60/251 of 2006 that created a UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), the year 2007 has witnessed the establishment of a new human rights mechanism as Universal Periodic Review (UPR) to subject 192 UN member states to review human rights records in their respective states within four years.

The institution building package adopted by UNHRC in 2007 gave a concrete shape to the UPR, stating that it should be based on objectivity, transparency, reliable information, and interactive dialogue. As per aforesaid UNGA resolution and UN ECOSOC resolution 1996/31 of 1996 UPR should ensure the participation of all relevant stake holders including NGO and national human rights institutions.

The troika along with the working group of UPR, both composed of members of the UNHRC, is tasked to examine human rights records of member states. The UN working group session for Pakistan UPR took place on May 14 this year, the troika members to Pakistan UPR included Saudi Arabia, Ghana and Azerbaijan. Its report documented proceeding of the review, interactive dialogue and recommendations by council state members calling to improve areas such as women, minority and child rights, freedom of religion, independence of judiciary, media freedom, and supremacy of the law, labour legislation, adherence to international procedures and human rights mechanisms. The major achievements with regard to Pakistan international Instruments included Pakistan's ratification to International Covenant of Economic Social and Cultural Rights in April 2008 and signing a convention on Torture and International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights.

The eighth session of UNHRC in Geneva was held from June 1-18. The Final adoption of UPR of 32 countries including Pakistan took place in the UN 8th session. The time allocated to speakers in the final UPR adoption was one hour to each state, whose report was scheduled to review in order to speak on its human rights situation, 20 minutes to member states, 20 minutes to national human rights institution and international NGOs, with further division of 3 minutes and 2 minutes to each state and NGOs respectively. On June 8, the session turned quite interesting during the adoption of the first UPR report of Bahrain, the Council proceedings got interrupted by Pakistan and Egypt, who criticised NGOs for making issue specific comments than general remarks on the outcome. On the other side Slovenia (on behalf of EU), Switzerland, Mexico, Canada and France were of the views that NGOs should be allowed to speak on issues lacking in the final report. The President of Council seemed more in agreement with Egypt and Pakistan's position emphasising several times to refrain from deviating the report's content and insisted on keeping the order of point.

The final outcome report of Pakistan's UPR was adopted by the plenary of UNHRC on June 12. Pakistan's Ambassador Mr. Masood Khan, in his statement on the UPR, categorically emphasised Pakistan's commitment to promoting human rights, rule of law and democracy. The statement also highlighted Pakistan's concern to ensuring security, safety and freedom of human rights defenders. During its final adoption, China, Bahrain, Morocco, Kuwait, Algeria, Indonesia and Egypt congratulated and appreciated Pakistan for its commendable actions for promoting and protecting human rights. However, Canada raised concerns on issues such as discriminatory laws and freedom of opinion and expression. Exercising the right to make oral statement, some NGOs expressed concerns over jeopardising independence of judiciary, women rights, discriminatory laws against women and minority, adoption of moratorium of execution and freedom of press. During NGOs interventions on Pakistan, Egypt interrupted the proceedings four times accusing NGOs for making out of context remarks. It clearly manifested Pakistan's as Council member and representative on behalf of OIC members, and enjoyed cordial relation with Egypt in its Geneva mission.

During the general debate on the Human Rights situation on June 5, countries namely Sudan, Zimbabwe, Srilanka, Somalia, Keniya, Democratic Republic of Korea, Congo, Myanmar, Iran and China were highlighted for alleged human rights abuses and violation by the EU member states, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Responding to the international community by exercising the right in reply Sri Lanka, Zimbabwe, Sudan, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Iran, China and Bangladesh camouflaged their position under the pretext of breaching sovereignty by discussing internal issues, calling NGOs bogus with malicious purposes, applying selective justice and accusing south countries of xenophobia.

UNHRC is a state driven body in which states decide, with narrow involvement of international NGOs, who have accredited status with UN. All through the UPR process, NGOs were restricted to submitting only written questions to troika members and making an oral statement at the final adoption of UPR. Apart from limited involvement of civil society, UPR can still be viewed as a significant innovation for at least standard setting for accountability and can be used as an added mechanism for challenging human rights abuses worldwide. During the session, sensitive issues to various cultures such as sexual orientation, maternal mortality were raised; women issues were discussed under a separate agenda item. In a nutshell, stake holders: civil society particularly NGOs had  room to engage and participate in the UPR process in the follow-up activities, monitoring and coinciding with country's national programs to improve and promote human rights records.

Courtesy: Daily The News of June 22, 2008

                              A lot still needs to be done

                                        By Ayra Inderyas

 

The government needs to take concrete measures to fulfil national and international commitments to improve the situation pertaining to women’s rights

The 38th session of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) is taking place these days (from May 14, to June 1) at the United Nation, New York. Pakistan is one of the countries whose report on the implementation of CEDAW is scheduled to be examined by a group of UN experts.

Following Pakistan’s accession to CEDAW in 1996, under International law it has become obligatory for Pakistan to put the provisions of the treaty into practice, yet no legal framework has been drawn for the automatic translation of international commitment into domestic law. The CEDAW has two parts. The first comprises 16 articles that call on state parties to eliminate discrimination against women on all counts. The second part provides a mechanism to monitor the state parties’ observance to the convention. The analysis of Pakistan’s adherence to CEDAW is carried out in the current assertion in the light of its first 16 articles.

Article One of CEDAW explicitly defines the term ‘discrimination against women’, whereas the constitution of Pakistan falls short of giving a specific definition of discrimination against women. State parties are called on to introduce the principals of equality in their national constitution and documents and eradicate discriminatory laws and policies in articles Two, Nine and 15. However, in Pakistan, Law of Evidence (1984), Hudood Laws (1979), Law on Honour Killing (2004), Qisas and Diyat Laws, few provisions of Family Law Ordinance (1961) and Pakistan Citizenship Act (1951), all of which amount to discrimination against women, are still the part of our statute books.

Contrary to what is stated in Article 2 of CEDAW that public authorities and institutions shall refrain from exercising discrimination against women, women seeking judicial redress face insurmountable barriers such as being stigmatized as bad women, hostile court environment, violence in police custody, expensive litigation and delayed proceedings to achieving justice.

Articles Three, Four and Seven of CEDAW put emphasis on the full development and advancement of women in the economic and political fields. Following Pakistan’ commitment in the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995, our government has drawn a National Plan of Action 1998 and National Commission on the Status of Women was established in 2002. Nevertheless, such actions failed to formulate specific mechanisms to achieve the targets as attested by National Report of Beijing 2004.

Articles Five of the treaty demands that states modify social patterns, and cultural and traditional norms that sanction violence against women but, at present, increasing incidences of violence against women are a testament to the failure on the part of the government.

Article Six of CEDAW instructs that trafficking in persons shall be put to an end by state parties. Pakistan is facing problems of both internal and external trafficking. Internal trafficking takes place when parents sell their daughters under the cover of marriages or when girls from the poorest strata of society are kidnapped and coerced into commercial exploitation. The US Report on Trafficking In Persons (June 2006), clearly stated that Pakistan is a source transit and destination for victims of severe forms of trafficking.

The Constitution of Pakistan, in Article 11, banned forced labour and human trafficking and stated that women held under prostitution charges can be bailed out only in the custody of male members of the family. It provides an opportunity to pimps and agents to pose as fathers, husbands or brothers, and get the girls bailed out and continue their exploitation.

Increasing the representation of women at the international level and in international organisations is ensured by Article Eight of CEDAW. Except for our female foreign office spokesperson, the ministry of foreign affair has the lowest representation of women.

In light of Articles 10 and 12, providing equal rights to women in the fields of education and health, Pakistan did make a contribution to improve the standards of education and provide health facilities to women. The Economic Survey of Pakistan 2004-05 reported an overall literacy of 53 percent, of which 64 percent for males and 39 percent for females. Higher infant and maternal mortality rate is widely prevalent in rural and semi urban slums and few government funded programmes are focused on maternal and neonatal preventive and curative problems of women.

Under Article 11, states are required to guarantee equal rights to women in all matters of employment. Under our National Plan of Action 1998, the government announced a five percent quota for women in government departments, which was later extended to 10% in December 2006, but its implementation involves a lot of failures. There is a virtual absence of legislation for home-based workers and domestic servants that results in non-recognized work of women. Women are also not adequately represented at the senior, legislative and managerial positions in government institutions. Harassment at the workplace is a dominant problem deterring women from taking up employment.

Advancement of rural women is spelled out in Article 14 of CEDAW. Our rural women are involved in the sub-sectors of economy but, due to lack of statistical sources on labour force participation, their contribution to the economy goes unrecognised.

Article 13 of CEDAW calls on state parties to provide women an equal right to acquire loans and credit schemes, as well as an equal share to inheritance. However, Pakistan National Report for Beijing +10 stated that Pakistani women are deprived in terms of their income generation capacity, ownership of land and productive assets, access to labour market, economic options, social services and security.

According to Article 16 of the treaty, women should have an equal right to marriage as enjoyed by men and matters relating to marriage and its dissolution. Women are constantly denied their right to marriage under customs such as wani/swara, watta satta and haq bakshwan. A few of the provisions of Muslims Family Law Ordinance (MFLO 1961) sanctioned discrimination against women. For example, men can unilaterally divorce their wives without disclosing or proving the reason, whereas women have to file a suit for dissolution of marriage and have to go through court proceedings.

Following the dissolution of marriages, Guardianship Ward Act (VIII of 1890) has disentitled mothers from having the custody of minor children (below 18 years age). Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 has marked the minimum age for marriage as 18 years age for boys and 16 years age for girls or when she reaches puberty. And as frequently girls reach puberty before 16, it legitimises marriages of girl child.

It is a high time that the government realizes its responsibilities and takes concrete measures, establishes mechanisms for the fulfilment of both national and international commitment in order to improve and increase women rights in the real sense.

 Courtesy: Daily Dawn of May 27, 2008

Womens' Sufferings Know No Ends

By Ayra Inderyas